In seinem fesselnden Buch, das international für Furore gesorgt hat, wirft Quinn Slobodian einen neuen Blick auf die Geschichte von Freihandel und neoliberaler Globalisierung. Im Mittelpunkt steht dabei eine Gruppe von Ökonomen um Friedrich von Hayek und Wilhelm Röpke, die aus einer Außenseiterposition heraus die Deutungshoheit eroberten. Getrieben von der Angst, nationale Massendemokratien könnten durch Zölle oder Kapitalverkehrskontrollen das reibungslose Funktionieren der Weltwirtschaft stören, bestand ihre Vision darin, den Markt auf der globalen Ebene zu verrechtlichen und so zu schützen.
Freiheit und Demokratie, so der Investor Peter Thiel 2009, seien nicht länger kompatibel. Wer die Freiheit liebe, müsse daher versuchen, der Politik in all ihren Formen zu entkommen. Zuflucht suchen könnten Libertäre im Cyberspace, im Weltraum und auf dem offenen Meer. Das mag verblasen klingen, steht aber in einer jahrzehntealten Tradition marktradikaler Ideen: Denker wie Milton Friedman begeisterten sich für das noch unter britischer Oberhoheit stehende Hongkong; Margaret Thatcher träumte von einem Singapur an der Themse. In seinem Buch Globalisten hatte sich Quinn Slobodian mit Versuchen befasst, ökonomische Fragen der demokratischen Willensbildung zu entziehen, etwa durch ihre Übertragung an internationale Organisationen. In Kapitalismus ohne Demokratie geht es nun um eine andere Lösung für das von Thiel beklagte Problem: die Zerschlagung der Welt in Steueroasen, Privatstädte oder Mikronationen. Quinn Slobodian nimmt uns mit auf eine faszinierende Reise durch die Welt der neoliberalen Utopien. Sie führt nach Dubai und Liechtenstein, ins vom Bürgerkrieg zerrüttete Somalia und zu Elon Musks texanischem Weltraumbahnhof. Und sie weitet den Blick auf eine mögliche Zukunft, die uns Sorgen machen sollte.
George Louis Beer Prize Winner Wallace K. Ferguson Prize Finalist A Marginal Revolution Book of the Year “A groundbreaking contribution...Intellectual history at its best.” —Stephen Wertheim, Foreign Affairs Neoliberals hate the state. Or do they? In the first intellectual history of neoliberal globalism, Quinn Slobodian follows a group of thinkers from the ashes of the Habsburg Empire to the creation of the World Trade Organization to show that neoliberalism emerged less to shrink government and abolish regulations than to redeploy them at a global level. It was a project that changed the world, but was also undermined time and again by the relentless change and social injustice that accompanied it. “Slobodian’s lucidly written intellectual history traces the ideas of a group of Western thinkers who sought to create, against a backdrop of anarchy, globally applicable economic rules. Their attempt, it turns out, succeeded all too well.” —Pankaj Mishra, Bloomberg Opinion “Fascinating, innovative...Slobodian has underlined the profound conservatism of the first generation of neoliberals and their fundamental hostility to democracy.” —Adam Tooze, Dissent “The definitive history of neoliberalism as a political project.” —Boston Review
Neoliberals hate the state. Or do they? In the first intellectual history of neoliberal globalism, Quinn Slobodian follows a group of thinkers from the ashes of the Habsburg Empire to the creation of the World Trade Organization to show that neoliberalism emerged less to shrink government and abolish regulations than to redeploy them at a global level. Slobodian begins in Austria in the 1920s. Empires were dissolving and nationalism, socialism, and democratic self-determination threatened the stability of the global capitalist system. In response, Austrian intellectuals called for a new way of organizing the world. But they and their successors in academia and government, from such famous economists as Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises to influential but lesser-known figures such as Wilhelm Roepke and Michael Heilperin, did not propose a regime of laissez-faire. Rather they used states and global institutions--the League of Nations, the European Court of Justice, the World Trade Organization, and international investment law--to insulate the markets against sovereign states, political change, and turbulent democratic demands for greater equality and social justice. Far from discarding the regulatory state, neoliberals wanted to harness it to their grand project of protecting capitalism on a global scale. It was a project, Slobodian shows, that changed the world, but that was also undermined time and again by the inequality, relentless change, and social injustice that accompanied it.-- Provided by publisher
'Gonzo brilliance ... unique and highly entertaining' Financial Times 'Revelatory reading' Adam Tooze, author of Crashed 'After reading Quinn Slobodian's new book, you are not likely to think about capitalism the same way' Jacobin Look at a map of the world and you'll see a neat patchwork of nation-states. But this is not where power actually resides. From the 1990s onwards, globalization has shattered the map, leading to an explosion of new legal entities: tax havens, free ports, city-states, gated enclaves and special economic zones. These new spaces are freed from ordinary forms of regulation, taxation and mutual obligation - and with them, ultracapitalists believe that it is possible to escape the bonds of democratic government and oversight altogether. Historian Quinn Slobodian follows the most notorious radical libertarians - from Milton Friedman to Peter Thiel - around the globe as they search for the perfect home for their free market fantasy. The hunt leads from Hong Kong in the 1970s to South Africa in the late days of apartheid, from the neo-Confederate South to the medieval City of London, and finally into the world's oceans and war zones, charting the relentless quest for a blank slate where capitalism and democracy can be finally uncoupled. Crack-Up Capitalism is a propulsive history of the recent past, and an alarming view of our near future.
"The first comprehensive study of neoliberalism's proselytizers in Eastern Europe and the Global South. Where does free market ideology come from? Recent work on the neoliberal intellectual movement around the Mont Pelerin Society has allowed for closer study of the relationship between ideas, interests, and institutions. Yet even as this literature brought neoliberalism down to earth, it tended to reproduce a perspective that saw the world from Europe and the U.S. outward. With the notable exception of Augusto Pinochet's Chile, long seen as a laboratory of neoliberalism, the new literature followed a story of diffusion as ideas migrated from the center to the periphery. The vast literature on neoliberalism remains dominated by histories of ideas beginning in the Global North and diffusing outward. Even in the most innovative work, the cast of characters remains surprisingly limited, clustering around famous intellectuals like Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek. Market Civilizations redresses this glaring absence by introducing a range of characters and voices active in the transnational neoliberal movement from the Global South and Eastern Europe. This includes B.R. Shenoy, an early Mont Pelerin Society from India, who has been canonized in some circles since the Singh reforms; Manuel Ayau, another MPS president and founder of the Marroquin University, an underappreciated Latin American node in the neoliberal network; Chinese intellectuals who adapted Hayek and Mises to local circumstances; and many others. Seeing neoliberalism from beyond the industrial core helps us understand what made radical capitalism attractive to diverse populations and how their often disruptive policy ideas "went local.""-- Provided by publisher
Foreign Front describes the activism that took place in West Germany in the
1960s when more than 10,000 students from Asia, Latin America, and Africa were
enrolled in universities there. They served as a spark for local West German
students to mobilize and protest the injustices that were occurring wordwide.
"This volume looks into the relationship that East Germany held with non-white socialistic nations, such as China and Cuba, as well as socialistic and communistic minorities in the United States. The volume also relates how these states and individuals saw East Germany"--Provided by publisher.
